Conclusion
1 media/Group Photo 5.png 2021-07-05T19:13:55+00:00 Brooke Carbaugh 278ce982fd45dd6db533b61aadc327bf82a35c58 1 13 This page concludes our research. Thank you for reading about our project. image_header 2021-08-16T17:56:49+00:00 Brooke Carbaugh 278ce982fd45dd6db533b61aadc327bf82a35c58As a group of female Hope College students, our project aimed to understand what it would have been like to live, attend, or work at Hope college during this time. These female students experienced two devastating events in the 1900s, the Great Depression and World War II, struggled to find belonging at Hope, and strived to make their voices heard on campus. A project of this scope and depth on this topic has never been done before, thus we were uncertain about what we would find and acknowledge there are many avenues for future research to better understand what it was like to be a woman at Hope College in the 1930s and 1940s. Our research focused solely on the experience of women, thus future research may also consider the experiences of other diverse groups on campus. Refer back to our diversity statement for more information about diversity at Hope. Hope College has progressed since the 1930s and 1940s for women, yet there is still more to be done to ensure the best experience for female students and employees.
Our research team consulted Dr. Deb Sturtevant, a recently retired professor of sociology and social work, and Dr. Sarah Kornfield, a professor of communication with affiliations in the women’s and gender studies program, to discern areas for improvement for both female faculty and students today. There were many similarities in Dr. Sturtevant’s and Dr. Kornfield’s responses. For example, research and discussion must continue in order to remedy and identify gender discrepancies in pay, promotions, and non-tenure tracks. Additionally, faculty services and committees impact the power of male and female faculty in their roles. Dr. Kornfield explained how these committees impact changes that can be made by an individual. She stated, “There should be a review of how much service work fe/male faculty actually do. And whether that service is significantly labor-intensive or not. How early in women's careers are they saddled with big service work? AND is the service work in areas that actually have POWER?”
Consideration must also be given to the workload of faculty. Oftentimes, majority female departments, such as dance or education, require additional accreditation causing an imbalance in the workload of the majority female departments.
Lastly, attention must be given to daycare and maternity. The semester system creates difficulties for mothers on maternity leave as the semester system was not designed for working mothers. Then, even after a mother returns from maternity leave, access to quality, accessible, and affordable childcare is often difficult to find in the Holland area. Both Dr. Strutevant and Dr. Kornfield recommended creating a daycare on campus. For female students, Dr. Kornfield recommended better gynecological care at the campus health center and access to housing compatible with a student’s gender.
These are a few of many possible avenues for attention and improvement in the present. Furthermore, our team consulted only a couple members of the faculty, thus more insight and perspectives may highlight different or additional places for future attention in order to correct gender disparities.
It is our hope that you received a glimpse into the women of this time and gained a better understanding of Hope’s past. Our research regarding women students and faculty in the 1930s and 1940s allows us to identify causation from the past that impacts the present and future of Hope College.
Thank Yous:
We would like to thank our research advisor, Dr. Lauren Janes, for overseeing this project throughout the various stages, Geoffrey Reynolds from the Joint Archives of Holland for his help acquiring and understanding sources, to the John H. Dryfhout ‘64 Research Grant for so generously supporting our research, Tori Longfield for advising us through building a website, and Dr. Jeanne Petit for her help initiating this project. We would also like to thank Dr. Nella Kennedy, Dr. Don Luidens, Dr. Deb Sturevant, and Dr. Sarah Kornfield for taking the time to speak with us and providing insight into various aspects of our research. Lastly, thank you to our families and friends for their support and those who donated to the Joint Archives of Holland allowing us to delve through sources from this period.
This page has paths:
- 1 2021-06-28T15:44:43+00:00 Grace Pettinger 184622d78a978911e2bfdd66bbb19f663dd01390 Table of Contents Brooke Carbaugh 35 Jump to any page you're interested in! plain 2021-07-28T17:19:19+00:00 Brooke Carbaugh 278ce982fd45dd6db533b61aadc327bf82a35c58
This page is referenced by:
-
1
2021-06-28T15:22:47+00:00
Social Treatment of Women at Hope in the 1930's
49
The experiences of women at Hope throughout the decade
plain
2021-08-02T13:24:37+00:00
As women began to attend Hope in increasing numbers in the early 20th century, they entered into a culture that expected them to behave, interact with others, and participate in society in very specific ways. Historian Mary C. McComb studies the way that the middle class in the United States reacted and coped with the Depression. She analyzes college students during the 1930's period in her book Great Depression and the Middle Class, as most young people able to afford higher education belonged to the upper or middle class. In the context of the Great Depression, McComb addresses the way students’ view of the Depression impacted the way they interacted with one another. She also specifically analyzes the roles and treatment of female students at colleges and universities [1]. At Hope, the experiences of women in the 1930’s, based on editorials in the Anchor, reflected the national trends of how society expected women to behave in the middle class Depression culture that McComb discusses.
McComb first addresses the culture of the 1930s' impact on college students' approach to and goals in college. As the economy became the central focus in all of American culture, students became well versed in economic terms. This terminology shaped their view of themselves and others around them to fit an economic context. McComb argues that when goods became scarce, middle class students began to think of themselves, their social standing, and the way their peers perceived them as their personal commodity to sell. In this culture, social society expected women specifically to sell themselves as marriage prospects for their male peers [2]. This may be another reason for the popularity of college events and social societies at Hope during the 1930’s. Students marketed themselves as social assets.
This kind of self marketing culture created specific common goals among men and women in getting a higher education. For women, McComb argues that women fell into two categories with different goals. Some women enrolled in college in order to enjoy the social experience and find a husband. Another group of women instead enrolled to prepare for careers as teachers, social workers, nurses or other “female” positions [3]. Each path had specific consequences for women within the financially focused culture.
While McCombs' analyzes of trends throughout the greater U.S. is helpful, women living during this time period had their own individual experiences. Historical analysis and generalizations are helpful in understanding a time period in a broad context and the overarching behaviors of groups of people; however, actual individuals experienced the time period in completely independent ways. They may have experienced some form of the theories McComb suggests such as self marketing, having the idea of marriage after college, or focusing on their education in their minds, but they as humans held more of a complexity that can not be placed easily into theories or generalizations. Looking at Hope women with these theories in mind, we can see similarities; however, we cannot place these women into definite categories or assume their complete experiences based on certain contextual trends found by scholars such as McComb.
Many women at Hope expressed interest in the social aspects of college and in marriage. Ethel Leestma Swets (1929-1933) saved many of her invitations and acceptances from men to her sorority, Sibylline events, wedding invitations, and a newspaper article titled, “How to be Happy Though Married, Which Was Worked Out By Married Couple Who Proved its Worth" [4]. First, the inclusion of invitations to weddings and coed events in her scrapbook indicate these events as important to her. Secondly, the article includes an alphabetical list of advice from a couple on how to make marriage fruitful [5]. Margaret J. Kole (1929-1933) also saved her invitations and acceptance letters to social coed events [6]. Women at Hope during the 1930's focused heavily on social prospects and cared deeply about the marriages developing around them. Marriage may or may not have been their end goal in college, as McComb suggests, but we have found evidence that they at least valued the importance of marriage in their own lives and in the lives of those around them highly.
Maria’s research on women in what we now call STEM also indicates that Hope women challenged gender roles leading to similar issues stemming from the expectations of men that McComb discusses. According to Maria’s research, a number of women majored in STEM fields and eventually became missionaries. As Maria hypothesizes, this may allude to women who did not want to get married but rather wanted to focus more on their education. McComb argues that men found women who focused on their own education threatening. While majoring in STEM does not directly indicate commitment to education more than any other major, men typically accounted for a large portion of the population of STEM classes during this time. Women entering into STEM majors may represent a body of women willing to go against their present day culture or society’s expectations to pursue an education they wanted. McComb argues that men at many universities felt threatened by academically driven women who chose to go against traditional gender norms. In addition to having more women than ever before in their classes next to them, any woman who spoke up, held leadership positions, sought employment on campus, etc., posed a new threat to their status as the superior sex. This may have caused problems when the Emergency Relief provided Hope the ability to employ students during the Depression. McComb writes that these women, and most likely the women at Hope who fought to hold their own authority, experienced anti-feminist sentiments and belittling from their male peers [7].
This problem rang true through the halls of Hope College as much as any other college or university at the time. The Anchor throughout the 1930’s included multiple editorials that alluded to how men saw, treated, and received women interested in their own education. First, we must look at what men desired in a woman and how they expected women to act. On May 14, 1930, one humor poem in the Anchor titled “Modesty” explained how a woman should act. The poem explained behavior in efforts to be modest, including that she always spoke of her condition or actions such as feeling “ill”, waking up, or going to sleep in pleasant and polite terms. The author explained that a “modest maid” never spoke out of tongue or too abruptly about how she felt or what she did [8]. Published in the college paper, this poem sends a message to women, teaching them how they should behave, whether in humor or not.
Another example of how society, and more specifically men, thought women should behave lies in an Anchor article from October 6, 1937 titled, “Reporter Phones Fraternities for Description of Ideal Girl”. This article included interviews with the Knickerbocker, Addison, Fraternal, and Cosmopolitan fraternities. Knickerbockers first described their ideal woman’s physical features and when asked about her personality, they answered that she shouldn’t be sophisticated, just sweet. She should also be athletic and enjoy going out. Addisons described their perfect woman as “athletic, yet sophisticated. She knows what she wants and how to get it.” Fraternal members called for women with sympathy but with definite ideas as to what to do. Lastly, the Cosmopolitans thought that an athletic, sophisticated woman who was brilliant, witty, and enjoyed having fun would be the ideal girl [9]. All of these men who participated in the survey seemed to value a woman who enjoyed having fun. However, many of the men also said they wanted a sophisticated woman who was decisive and smart.
However, one editorial by a woman explaining men’s lack of respect for women who took on leadership roles and feeling of superiority to women and the subsequent response from another male student reveal that men's desire for sophistication and intelligence had limits. In the editorial by the female student titled, “She Whoops to Conquer” from April 23, 1930, an anonymous woman explained that male Hope students didn’t give credit to their female counterparts for intelligence and made excuses for a team’s success when lead by a woman, arguing that any success “just happened”. She called women to refuse to take condescending orders. We have attached the full article here [10].
In response, one man completely disagreed with the woman’s claims and called for men to demand superiority over women in the April 30, 1930 issue of the Anchor. In his article, “MEN! She Whooped To Conquer! Let’s Roar to Victory!,” he called the woman’s editorial ‘virulent and seditious’ and alluded to his belief that women had declared war on the men of Hope. We have included the editorial in response here. [11]
We must acknowledge that these editorial articles came from only one woman and one man at Hope. We cannot assume all women felt the same as the woman who wrote, “She Whoops to Conquer” and we cannot assume all men at Hope felt the same as the writer of “MEN! She Whooped To Conquer! Let’s Roar to Victory!” in response. However, we can recognize the validity of this woman’s experience and we can analyze this man’s response. To our 21st century perspective, the man’s response verifies the complaints of the woman. Aligning with what McComb argues, this man obviously felt threatened by this woman’s complaint. Speaking out and demanding respect resulted in an aggressive response [12].
Lastly, Metta J. Ross, a faculty member who began teaching Freshman English in 1926 and retired in 1960, explained in an oral history interview that the way women behaved in class changed drastically throughout the years that she taught. She described women as “meek little girls” and hypothesized that about 70% of Hope women married men they met at Hope. In contrast, after World War II and other wars that occurred during her employment, she noticed a change. She stated, “The girls’ attitude toward their men friends changed, not because of me but because of the changes in life, these men coming back from wars mutilated and nerve sick. You people missed all that of course. They began to assert themselves more, to realize that after all they were people and maybe they did have something worthwhile to say, and they said it. And they said it very well" [13]. Ross’ recollection of how women acted before and after having greater independence while men were absent from their classroom experiences allows us to see the impact of World War II and what women’s experiences in the classroom entailed from an outside perspective.
Women faced a complex and difficult task while attending Hope during the 1930's. Society challenged them to market themselves socially but also didn’t allow them to succeed in certain areas such as intellectual endeavors. Certain societal expectations and the expectations of male students limited their individuality. However, these women operated with a force within this society. They supported their friends in their marriages, sought to make meaningful social connections through social events and marriage prospects in order to succeed, and challenged norms by majoring in male dominated academic fields and speaking up for themselves. They gained confidence over time and began to demand respect.
References
[1] Mary C. McComb, Great Depression and the Middle Class: Experts, Collegiate Youth and Business Ideology, 1929-1941 (New York, New York: Taylor & Francis Group, LLC, 2006).
[2] McComb, Great Depression and the Middle Class, 6-13.
[3] McComb, Great Depression and the Middle Class, 14-17.
[4] Scrapbook, 1929-1936, Swets, Ethel Leestma Papers, 1929-1936 (H18-1988), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[5] Scrapbook, Swets, Ethel Leestma Papers, 1929-1936 (H18-1988).
[6] Memory Book, 1925-1933, Kole, Margaret J. (1909-1994). Papers, 1925-1933 (H95-1250), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI., Scrapbook, 1935-1943, Meengs, Florence. Papers, 1935-1943 (H15-1901), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[7] McComb, Great Depression and the Middle Class, 33-37.
[8] "Modesty", Hope College Anchor, May 14, 1930.
[9] "Reporter Phones Fraternities for Description of Ideal Girl", Hope College Anchor, October 6, 1937.
[10] "She Whoops to Conquer", Hope College Anchor, April 23, 1930.
[11] "MEN! She Whooped To Conquer! Let's Roar to Victory!", Hope College Anchor, April 30, 1930.
[12] McComb, Great Depression and the Middle Class, 33-37.
[13] Dick and Phyllis Huff, “Metta Ross Oral Interview,” March 15, 2002,
H88-0131, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI, 15-16. -
1
2021-06-29T16:54:31+00:00
Case Studies - Missionaries and STEM
46
This page will detail case studies of women who studied at Hope and became missionaries.
plain
2021-07-29T18:22:02+00:00
Background
As featured on the Women in STEM data analysis, eight women who majored in STEM had files in the Joint Archives of Holland. Interestingly enough, we found a connection between women's STEM majors and their career paths as missionaries. Here are brief descriptions of their lives.
Gallery
Jeanette Veldman
Jeanette Veldman was from Grandville, Michigan. Veldman attended business college in Grand Rapids. She also attended Hope Preparatory School in 1922. She graduated from Hope College with a Bachelor of Arts in 1926 after majoring in science [1]. At Hope, she participated in:
Sorosis; Y. W. C. A. Cabinet, ‘24, ‘25; Gospel Team ‘26; Student Vol.; State Student Vol. Council ‘25; Recording Secretary; Michigan Student Vol. Union ‘25; Student Council ‘25; Milestone staff ‘25; Sweater Club; A. D. D.; Athletic Board ‘25, ‘26; House Com. ‘23; S. G. A., President [2]
After Hope, she went to the Presbyterian Hospital School of Nursing in Chicago in 1929. Then, she went to the Kennedy School of Missions in Hartford, Connecticut, Teachers College at Columbia University in 1946, and School of Midwifery in the NYC Maternity Center Association. In 1930, she was sent to Amoy, China and worked in Hope and Wilhelmins Hospital and School of Nursing. In 1946, she received an M.A. in nursing education and administration from Columbia University.
Veldman was employed abroad in Amoy, China as a nurse until the Communist goverrnment ordered her departure from the country. She was there from 1930-1951. However, a short period of employment in India 1937-1938, a prisoner of war interment during World War II, and a return to mission work in 1946. Afterward, she lived in Arabia (Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman) until she returned to the United States in 1967. Veldman passed away in 1994 [3].Helen Zander
Helen Zander was born in Schenectady, New York as the youngest of five. She attended grammar school, high school, and Bellevue Reformed Church (Educational Work in Japan). Zander was interested in elocution at a young age and nurtured this interest in church and school work. She acted as a reader with a male chorus and with a group of children who went around giving performances for various groups. Zander decided at 12 to become a missionary after she had a dream in which Christ knocked at the door calling her to service like in the Book of Revelations.Her church in Schenectady helped finance her education at Hope. Zander graduated from Hope College in 1928 with a Bachelor of Arts and took a science course [4]. At Hope, she participated inAlethea, President ‘25; Y. W. C. A. Cabinet ‘27, President ‘28; Student Volunteers; Gospel Team ‘26, ‘27, ‘28; Debating Team ‘26; S. G. A. [5]
After graduating from Hope, she was presented as a missionary to Japan by the women’s board of foreign missions. She had not meant to go to Japan (instead, India, Arabia, or China) but had attended a Northfield conference and the theme was Japan. Plus, her big sister’s family at Hope had spent time in Japan. In 1928, after her graduation, she left for Japan. After studying French and German in college, she studied Japanese while in Japan.In 1929, Zander entered the Japanese Language School, studied under the Mission Language Committee course until she left the field in 1940. She taught in seminaries in Japan like Sturges Seminary and Ferris Seminary. Zander taught some physical training but specialized in subjects like English (composition, reading, and literature), stenography, typing, commercial English, and office practice. Zander found hobbies in Japanese penmanship, flower arrangements, and collecting envelopes and chopsticks.
In 1934, she came back to the United States for the first furlough but returned to Japan in 1935. She taught until her second furlough in 1940. After, she attended Columbia University and got an M.A. degree in Rural Education with emphasis on Industrial Arts [6]. In 1962, she taught at a girl’s high school in Tokyo [7].
Zander worked at seminaries that specialized in the Christian education of women in Japan. Some notable alumni of her schools were two ladies in waiting for an imperial princess, one of the first Japanese authors to produce Christian literature, president of one of the foremost women’s universities, and minister’s wives. Zander herself said that the students represented “largely girls from a very good class of home and are picked through entrance examinations for scholarship and personality.” Very few of the students were Christians when they came, which was a “tremendous evangelistic opportunity” [8].
Zander received an imperial award known as the Fifth Order of the Sacred Treasure from Iwatoro Uchiyama, Governor Kanagawa Prefecture. She was awarded it because of her work in the “furtherance of good Japanese-American relations with your wealthy knowledge, ideas, and love.” In regards to this achievement, Zander wrote “I am grateful that God called me into His service, directed my interests toward Japan” [9].
Overall, Zander taught at four schools - Baiko Jo Gakuin, Ferris, Joshi Gakuin, and Woman’s Christian [10]. She was a missionary for the Reformed Church in Japan from 1928 to 1941 and 1947 to 1974. Helen Zander passed away on January 1, 1983 [11].
Eva Van Schaack
Eva Van Schaack was born in Coxsackie, NY in 1904 [12]. She graduated from Hope in 1929 with a Bachelor of Arts and a major in science. She was involved in the Dorian sorority and the Senior Girls Association [13]
Van Schaack specialized in botany after she graduated from Hope. From 1931-1937, she studied at the School of Higher Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy of the John Hopkins University where she received a PhD. She taught and worked as a laboratory assistant and taught at many schools. Van Schaack was an assistant professor of botany at Kalamazoo College from 1946-1947, assistant professor of plant science at Mount Holyoke College from 1948-1950, associate professor of biology at Wheaton College from 1953-1956, and a professor at Hope College from 1956-1969. She was a member of Sigma Xi.
At Hope, Van Schaack’s pay was very low for an associate professor, and she did not obtain full professorship until two years before her retirement even though she had “distinguished herself in the field of biology”. Van Schaack specialized in fungi and was promoted in 1967.
Van Schaack passed away in 1981 [14].
Bernadine Siebers De Valois
Bernadine Siebers De Valois was born Bernadine Siebers in Grand Rapids. She went to South High School in Grand Rapids, Grand Rapids Junior College, and graduated from Hope College in 1930. She received a Bachelor Arts after majoring in science [15]. At Hope, she participated inDorian; Gospel Team 2, 3, 4; Y.W.C.A. Cabinet 3, President 4; Student Volunteer, Secretary-Treasurer 3, President 4; Trumpet Quartet; Orchestra 2, 3; Milestone Assistant Editor; Dorian Basketball 4; Chairman Senior Music Committee; S.G.A. [16]
The Milestone described Bernadine as
"Bernie," the capable president of the Y.W.C.A. Let us consider her good characteristics. Purposeful is she, with a good deal of plain vigor in carrying out her plans; sociable to a high degree. For an example of enthusiasm we would direct you to her and leave you to be convinced in a moment's conversation. We must not forget that terrible trait of hers of working so hard that others feel ashamed of themselves [17].
After Hope, she received an M.D. in 1934 from Rush Medical College. She was a Diplomat of the National Board of Medical Examinations in the United States in 1936. In 1936, she was sent to Vellore, India as a missionary. She worked in surgical wards and clinics with an ear, nose, and throat specialty, taught medical and nursing students, public health programs in villages, and village women’s classes and conferences. She married John James De Valois in 1946 [18].
While in India, Siebers De Valois wrote many letters and pamphlets describing her life in India. She noted that she treated an average of 225 patients a day [19]. In her letters, she discusses the dangers of missionary work abroad. In particular, she detailed religious conflicts, riots, extreme weather, and illness. However, she hoped that the dispensary she was helping found would “become a real source of healing power for physical and spiritual needs,” [20].
Eventually, India became suspicious towards missionaries and began to make it harder for them to stay. In an article published by the Church Herald, Siebers De Valois argued that mission work was not meant to establish Christian belief or practice as superior or even drastically increase the number of Christians. Instead, it was meant for converts to have a free response and agency in their religious experience [21].
Moreover, she published articles in the Hope College Alumni magazine attempting to get alumni to become missionaries. In one article, she argued that medical outreach is an important part of Christian professional training. Moreover, the Church needed to focus on the new field of preventative medicine. She argued that her job was to provide new dignity and respect to womanhood in areas where women were treated poorly and so, she focused on village outreach, food, maternal and child welfare [22]. She targeted mothers to disperse information. She described the importance of missionary work as similar in the words of Jesus taken from scripture “‘I am come that they might have life and have it more abundantly.’” [23] Bernadine illustrated how missionary work fulfilled this vocation as she claimed thatHope College cannot have a greater and more important mission today than to send her well-armed children as the resolute servants of our scientific and spiritual life to all the imperiled posts of American to save the future life of this nation,... and to watch over the freedom of mankind [24].
Hope presented her with an honorary D.Sc. degree on June 4, 1956 [25].
Eventually, she went to Africa. Upon returning to the United States, she was a member of many medical societies, taught at Western Seminary, and worked at Pine Rest. Bernadine Siebers De Valois passed away on June 19, 2001 [26].
Anne De Young
Anne De Young was born in Clymer, New York though she lived in Newark, New York. Her father was a Reformed Church Minister and her aunt was a domestic missionary. De Young was the middle of seven children [27]. Her parents were born in the Netherlands and went to Hope. De Young decided to enter the nursing profession after visiting her aunt [28].
She graduated from the Berea College School of Nursing in 1938 and Hope College in 1942 after majoring in biology [29]. At Hope, De Young participated in
Sibylline, Treasurer 3; Alcor 4, President; Y. W. C. A 2, 3, 4, Vice President 4; Christian Workers League 2; Band 2; Chapel Choir 3, 4; Music Group 4; German Club 3; Girls Basketball 2, 3; Treasurer of Voorhees Hall 3; Voorhees Hall Nurse. [30]
While at Hope, she worked at Holland City Hospital. After graduating from Hope, she studied Chinese in Berkeley, California in hopes of being stationed in China as a missionary. However, China closed its doors to missionaries so she was unable to go [31]. Then, she studied at Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford, Connecticut in 1951 for one term and the School of Midwifery in 1952 [32].
De Young was an assistant nurse in Voorhees Hall at Hope College for two years and was the head nurse for one year. While head nurse, she had over 100 girls in her care. Afterwards, she was an instructor in the hygiene department at Hope [33]. She continued to teach at the Berea, Kentucky School of Nursing for nine months [34].
She worked at Scudder Memorial Hospital in India for one year. Then, she served in Amoy, China from 1946 to 1951. De Young was reassigned to Arabia in 1952 where she worked in the medical field. She was furloughed from 1958 to 1959 and transferred to Oman soon after reentering the field [35]. Overall, she had mostly been a nursing teacher and supervisor [36]. Anne De Young passed away in 2007.
Mary Louise Talman
Mary Louise Talman was born in China in 1921. Her parents were missionaries. They returned to the United States in 1929 where they lived in Hyde Park, New York [37]. She graduated from Hope in 1942 with a Bachelor of Arts and a major in biology. At Hope, she participated inSibylline, Reporter 1, 2; Anchor 1, 2; Y.W.C.A. 1, 2, 3, 4, Cabinet 2; Christian Workers League 1, 2, Secretary 1; Chapel Choir 1; Scalpel Club 4; Philosophy Club 4; Tennis 4 [38].
Talman was a part of the faculty at Presbyterian Green Mountain Conference in Poughkeepsie, NY. She taught science at Attamont, NY High School and earned a M.A. from Albany State Teacher’s College in 1944. She eventually taught general science in Santiago, Chile where she was the head of the middle school department of the College.
Talman died in Lima, Peru on her way home from teaching at Santiago College, Santiago, Chile. The cause of death was an accidental gas leak [39].
Marjorie Van Vranken
Van Vranken was born in Schenectady, New York. Her parents were missionaries in India where they quickly returned after Marjorie was born. Her playmates were Indian children of the compound and she went to Highclerc School for Missionary Children in Kodaikanal, South India. Van Vranken described this time as having “many opportunities of witnessing to God’s handiwork in nature and to His word in their Christian training.” [40]Van Vranken earned an A.B. from Hope in 1946 after majoring in biology and chemistry. The Milestone lists her hometown as Hudsonville, Michigan in 1946. At Hope, she participated in
Thesaurian 1, 2, 3, 4, Treasurer 3; Y.W.C.A. 1, 2. 3, 4, Cabinet Member 4; Milestone 3 ; Alcor 4, Secretary-Treasurer 4 ; Sister Organization of Alpha Chi 4 ; French Majors' Club 1, 2, 3. 4, Treasurer 3; Scalpel Club 2, 3, 4, Secretary-Treasurer 3, President 4. [41].To pay for tuition, Van Vranken worked many odd jobs including as a glass grinder, machine mirror engraver, nurses’ aide, and at a chemical plant and wire and spring factory.
After graduating from Hope, she did graduate work at the University of Illinois and received her master’s degree in physiology in 1949. She spent a summer at the YWCA learning about labor and social problems. At graduate school, she was a member of the University Woman’s Scientific Research Association. She also was a part time assistant in physiology and served as a laboratory instructor.
There was a need for women doctors and nurses in India so she got a teaching position in the physiology department of the Vellore Christian Medical College. This was an interdenominational school and international institution which got support from the RCA. She studied Tamil and took exams alongside working. Van Vranken wrote that it was “refreshing to be back in India, but it was also a challenge to be a small cog in the work of God’s kingdom among the students.” She returned to the United States in 1952 [42].
Overall, she spent thirteen years as an RCA missionary in Vellore, India, 28 years involved in the activities of the International Protestant Church of Kinshasa, and five years with the Protestant Women of the SHAPE Chapel in Belgium. She passed away in 1995 [43].
Alida J. Kloosterman
Alida J. Kloosterman was born in 1921 She spent her early life in Grand Rapids except for summers spent on her grandparents farm. At the age of six, she went to Rogers Junior High School where she liked school so much that she did not want to take vacations. She was a member of the school safety division where she worked from a patrolman up to the captain of the force. Home was a “wonderful example of Christian nurture and recognition.” During this time, Kloosterman became interested in Christian Endeavor and the Girls’ League for Service. She also loved sports.
Kloosterman was about to enter Lee High School when her father died, leaving her younger brother to take over the home and support her mother, herself, and her younger sister. The girls sold flowers and babysit as any further education had to be earned through “spartan diligence.” At seventeen, she became a member of the Reformed Church in Grand Rapids. She taught Sunday School and enjoyed listening to the missionaries. She wanted to give her “life to full time Christian service, too, but her finances seemed always to stand in the way.”
After her mother’s death, she worked to pay off debts and mortgages on the house. She saved enough for one year in college. While at Hope, she worked summers, vacations, evenings, and Saturdays, to finance other years too. She worked for the American Sunday School Union and was the Director of Summer Camps. She taught Vacation Bible School, was an inspector at a wood factory and was in charge of girls in the plant. At Hope, she worked in the dorm collecting and dispensing linen, in laundry as a cleaning girl, in the library, and filing. She viewed college as the background for her life work [44].
At Hope, she was in the varsity club, speech club, red cross, Y. W. C. A., prayer bands, wrote for the Milestone and the Anchor, and was a member in the Theasurian sorority (page 47). She graduated from Hope in 1948 after majoring in mathematics [45].
Her desire to become a missionary intensified at Hope College as she was encouraged and assisted by Mrs. John Piet who had worked in India as a missionary. She hoped to work in villages with Bible women or teaching. In 1947, during her Junior year at Hope, she applied to the Board of Foreign Missions. She was accepted as a missionary that year with an appointment to India. In 1949, she went to Chittoor, India and studied the language. She was financed by the Reformed Church, American Church, and the Sunday School of the Second Reformed Church [46]. Kloosterman stayed in India for three years and then taught at the North 4th Street Christian School. Alida J. Kloosterman married Bastiaan van Dijk in 1953. According to her marriage notice, Kloosterman planned to move back to the Netherlands where her husband was from [47]. The U.S. Death Index from 1898-2008 lists Kloosterman's death date as February 3, 2001.
References:
[1] Biographical Materials, Box 5, Veldman, Jeannette (1901-1994). Papers, 1912-1989. (W89-1012.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[2] Milestone 1926 (Holland: Hope College, 1926), 28, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/11.
[3] Biographical Materials, Box 5.
[4] “Helen Zander: Educational Work in Japan,” Woman’s Board of Foreign Missions, July 1942. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[5] Milestone 1928 (Holland: Hope College, 1928), 35, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/13.
[6] “Helen Zander: Educational Work in Japan.”
[7] Helen Zander, “South for the Holidays,” The Church Herald, April 6, 1962. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[8] Helen Zander, “The GI Didn't Know - Do You?” The Church Herald, February 13, 1953. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[9] Helen Zander, “A Bridge Across the Pacific,” The Church Herald, April 24, 1964. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[10] Helen Zander, "A Bridge Across the Pacific."
[11] “Helen Zander Dies,” The Church Herald, January 2, 1983. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[12] Biographical, 1950-1969. Van Schaack, Eva (1904-1981). Papers, 1911-1976. (H88-0177.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[13] Milestone 1929 (Holland: Hope College, 1929), 37, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/13/.
[14] Biographical, 1950-1969.
[15] “Dr. and Mrs. J. J. De Valois,” Board of Foreign Missions, October 1955. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[16] Milestone 1930 (Holland: Hope College, 1930), 65, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/17.
[17] Milestone 1930, 54.
[18] “Dr. and Mrs. J. J. De Valois.”
[19] Bernadine Siebers to St. Ives, September 24, 1938. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[20] Bernadine Siebers to Mission Hospital for Women, June 1, 1939. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[21] Bernadine Siebers De Valois, “The Church’s Right to Send Missionaries,” The Church Herald, May 20, 1955. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[22] Bernadine Siebers De Valois, “Eat too Little - Live too Wretchedly - Die too Young!” The Church Herald, February 17, 1956. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[23] Bernadine Siebers De Valois, “Science Plus-Miracles in India,” Hope College Alumni Magazine, July 1956. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[24] “Nigerian Chicks and Consultations,” Hope College Alumni Magazine, October 1962. De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[25] Bernadine Siebers De Valois, “Science Plus-Miracles in India."
[26] De Valois Family. Papers, 1938-2001. (W11-1384.10), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[27] “Miss Anne R. De Young,” Board for the Christian World Mission Reformed Church in America, November 1958. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[28] “Anne R. De Young,” Woman’s Board of Foreign Missions, 1946. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[29] “Miss Anne R. De Young.”
[30] Milestone 1942 (Holland: Hope College, 1942), 40, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/26.
[31] “Anne De Young To Retire,” June 25, 1982. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[32] “Miss Anne R. De Young.”
[33] “Anne De Young To Retire.”
[34] “Anne R. De Young.”
[35] “Miss Anne R. De Young.”; “The task of Christian missionaries in… Muscat, Newest Oil Town,” The Church Herald, September 19, 1969. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[36] “Anne De Young To Retire.”
[37] “Hope Graduate Buried in Peru,” Holland City News, July 24, 1947. Hope Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[38] Milestone 1942 (Holland: Hope College, 1942), 40, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/26.
[39] “Hope Graduate Buried in Peru.”
[40] “Marjorie Alice Van Vranken,” Board of Foreign Missions Reformed Church of America, September 1953. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[41] Milestone 1946 (Holland: Hope College, 1946), 47, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/27.
[42] “Marjorie Alice Van Vranken.”
[43] “Marjorie A. Van Vranken,” P.F. PORBEUR - Asquillies, 1995. Van Vranken, Herbert E. (1891-1972). Papers, 1914-1995. (W01-1258.7.), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[44] “Alida J. Kloosterman”, Board of Foreign Missions Reformed Church in America, January 1950. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[45] Milestone 1948 (Holland: Hope College, 1948), 47, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/30.
[46] "Alida J. Kloosterman."
[47] "Teacher is Wed to Mr. van Dijk, Netherlander," The Sunday News, December 6, 1953. -
1
2021-06-28T15:44:43+00:00
Table of Contents
35
Jump to any page you're interested in!
plain
2021-07-28T17:19:19+00:00
-
1
2021-07-01T14:29:15+00:00
Popularity of Female Majors
28
Popularity of Female Majors
plain
2021-07-27T19:21:49+00:00
Detailing Popular Majors
Modern-Language English
Consistently, some form of English has been in the top two most popular majors for senior women from 1925-1950. Until 1932, the most popular course of choice was modern-language English. The 1925 Bulletin, the equivalent of a modern course catalog, lists the requirements for a major in modern-language English as 30 semester hours in English, 20 in French, 20 in German, 8 in history, 6 in biblical literature, 2 in public speaking, 4 in political science, 4 in psychology, 4 in evidences, and 32 in electives. This list includes general education requirements that other majors also had to complete [1]. In the 1929 Bulletin, the major name switched to English modern language, though the requirements remained identical [2]. This course was recommended for high school teachers, for graduate work in English or modern languages, or for training in journalism. In general, this major was advertised as flexible and adopted to “general cultural work.” [3]
English Modern Language
In 1932, English modern language was separated into two majors - English and modern language [4]. Modern language remained popular with eleven women majoring in it that year but only one Senior woman took English. There is no description written from that year to differentiate requirements between the two. Moreover, there is an English department with courses but no modern language department. Even though there is no official description of what a modern language major was, modern languages offered were French, German, Dutch (until 1942), and Spanish (offered beginning in 1943). These French, German, Dutch and Spanish are considered to be modern since they are currently spoken which is in contrast with ancient languages offered like Latin and Greek. 1938 was the last year that modern language and English modern language were listed as any Senior women’s majors in the Milestone.History
Until 1940, history was also a consistently popular major. According to the 1925 Bulletin, a major in history required 24 semester hours in history, 20 hours in a modern language, 15 in English, 8 in political science, 8 in philosophy, 6 in biblical literature, 6 in history of education, 4 in psychology, 4 in evidences, 2 in public speaking, and 33 in electives [5]. The course was recommended for students who planned to enter “law, the diplomatic or civil service, to teach or to do graduate work in history.” [6] The recommended career paths for history majors is of interest because graduate school during this time period had many barriers for women. Some women were able to obtain entrance into colleges through attending women’s colleges, taking advantage of quotas in co-ed colleges, finding advocates on their behalf, or moving to Europe [7]. However, graduate degrees were rarer for women from 1925-1950.
Moreover, law, diplomatic and civil service were all traditionally male fields which fit into the idea of the “public sphere.” Women were expected to enter the “private sphere” which included influence over the family, household, children, and religious affairs [8]. A relevant question is whether these women hoped to pursue these career paths or typically forged a path of their own instead. Our research team found that a portion of women who attended Hope College during this time period used college as a means to find potential partners in marriage. This finding is in alignment with national trends as women found economic returns from attending college through both labor and marriage markets [9]. Therefore, it is reasonable to draw the conclusion that while recommended career paths were influential for some women, for others it was less relevant.
Education
Notably, after 1940, education or elementary education were the most popular majors for women until the end of our research scope (1950). This trend is not surprising considering the rapid feminization of the field of teaching. By the 1880s, 80% of school teachers were women according to the Historical Dictionary of Women’s Education in the United States [10]. However, men occupied most of the upper level roles; women were effectively sequestered to the classroom. This is not to degrade individual women’s roles as teachers considering how important education is. Rather, the trend of feminization is key in understanding what women’s lives were like at Hope and throughout the United States during this time period.The sudden popularity of education in the 1940s gives the false impression that women at Hope were taking a newfound interest in the field. On the contrary, teaching was one of the original three vocations that Hope was founded to train workers for [11]. Originally, teaching was a certification that students could obtain through Hope College but it was not a major to concentrate in. Therefore, women could have been obtaining certifications and attending Normal Colleges but that would not have been listed as their primary major in the Milestone where we pulled our data from. The creation of a teaching major that prepared students for certification was new in the late 1930s at Hope College. Our data reflects this change in available majors. Though it is significant that education became a major later because teaching might have been a less valuable degree before 1935 because married women were barred from employment [12]. Therefore, the creation and popularity of an education major shows the shift in this policy.
Data Analysis
Only providing the two most popular majors made sense for the first half of the data set because options were limited and there was a distinct mode. For the second half of the data set, providing only the two most popular majors may be misleading. After World War II, the G.I. bill allowed enrollment to increase exponentially [13]. As a result, more incoming tuition money allowed for the expansion of resources and more majors were available. Therefore, the data is less condensed around two majors. In this chart, it seems as if no women majored in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). In reality, STEM majors were consistently the chosen majors for most years following English, education, and history. During some years the margins between the most popular majors and STEM majors were slim. For example, in 1934, the second most popular major was history with seven senior women majoring in it. The third most popular major was science with six women majoring in it. In 1939, six women majored in history and four women majored in mathematics. In 1948, thirteen women majored in English and six women majored in biology.
Other years, the gap between the two most popular majors and STEM as the third most popular was wider. For example, in 1942 - the most popular major was tied between English and education with fourteen senior women in each. The second most popular was biology with three women majoring in it. In 1944, twelve women majored in English and four majored in biology. In 1945, ten women majored in elementary education and three women majored in biology. In 1947, four women majored in English and three majors tied for the third most popular major with three women in chemistry, three women in music, and three women in mathematics. Lastly, in 1949, education was the second most popular major with seven senior women in it and four majors tied for third place with five women majoring in math, five women in social studies, five in elementary education, and five in biology. The rise in biology is notable as it was particularly suited for students to take a pre-medical or pre-nursing track.However, for many years, the third most popular majors were still in what we would now call the social sciences or humanities. In 1935, the third most popular major was in Latin with four women in it. The third most popular in 1936 was English modern language with six women in it. In 1937, the third most popular was French with three women in it. In 1938, the third most popular major was modern language with four women in it. In 1940, the third most popular major was Latin with four women in it. In 1943, the third most popular major was education with four women in it. In 1946, French was the third most popular with six women in it. In 1947 and 1949, music, social studies, and elementary education tied for third place with STEM courses as listed above. Lastly, the next highest major was education with ten in it in 1950.
Other Majors
Least Popular Majors
Typically the least popular majors differed from year to year. Consistently, the classical track was less popular with only ten women taking it from 1925-1950. Possible reasons for the lack of women in this track was that classical training was meant to prepare students for politics, work, law, and graduate school. Plus, classical training was seen as a masculine subject [14]. While analyzing the Milestones from 1925-1950, I noticed that many men took the classical course which illustrates a clear gender division. Similarly, women did not major in engineering during this time period. Engineering tended to be less popular overall at Hope as it was newer. However, men did major in engineering more than women. This pattern of women majoring in certain areas less than men also holds for ancient, classical languages like Greek and Latin, philosophy, business, and economics. Latin was more popular until 1942. After that, only one woman every few years would major in it. Philosophy and economics were consistently unpopular as only two women majored in it for the duration of this study. Though, economics was introduced much later than philosophy. Business was typically a less popular major for all students as business administration was preferred.
Other Majors
Other majors that had some popularity were sociology, psychology, religious education, social service, and business administration. Sociology was added as a major in 1945 and attracted a few women each year. Similarly, psychology was introduced in 1948 and remained somewhat popular. Religious education was established longer than the other two but only remained marginally popular during this period. Lastly, social service was a composite major that was established in 1944, though no women majored in it until 1946. To major in this, a student would take courses in philosophy, economics, political science, and history [15].
References:
[1] 1925. V63. 03. November Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1925), 11, http://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/86.
[2] 1928-1929. V67.01. February Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1928), 16, http://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/95.
[3] 1928-1929. V67.01. February Bulletin., 16.
[4] 1931-1932. V70.01. February Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1931), 28, http://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/99.
[5] 1925. V63. 03. November Bulletin., 11.
[6] 1928-1929. V67.01. February Bulletin., 16.
[7] Linda Eisenmann, Historical Dictionary of Women’s Education in the United States (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1998), 351-352, EBSCOhost.
[8] Eisenmann, Historical Dictionary, xii.
[9] Claudia Goldin, Lawrence F. Katz, and Ilyana Kuziemko, “The Homecoming of American College Women: The Reversal of the College Gender Gap,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 4 (Fall 2006): 134, 10.1257/jep.20.4.133.
[10] Eisenmann, Historical Dictionary, xvii.
[11] 1916. V54.01. May Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1916), 13-14, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/49.
[12] Goldin, Katz, and Kuziemko, “The Homecoming of American College Women,” 136.
[13] Goldin, Katz, and Kuziemko, “The Homecoming of American College Women,” 133.
[14] Eisenmann, Historical Dictionary, 350.
[15] 1943-1944. V82.01. February Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1943), 31, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/111. -
1
2021-06-28T14:14:19+00:00
Tuition at Hope
24
Information about Tuition at Hope
plain
2021-08-15T17:44:31+00:00
Background Information
According to Hope College’s first catalog, created during its founding in 1866, a fee of ten dollars was required from each student for “contingent expenses.” Other than that blanket fee, no official charges were established - including tuition. Students were not turned away from the school if they could not afford to pay. If deemed worthy and had “promise of usefulness,” beneficiary aid was offered to students to assist in covering costs [1]. The first time that a consistent, formal tuition was charged and included in the yearly course catalogs was in 1916. The amount charged was 24 dollars [2]. After that, tuition remained a consistent cost for students. Room and board was listed as a consistent cost but aid was available for those unable to pay. Plus, many students were local and able to commute.
My assumption upon starting this project was that any women who attended Hope College before 1950 were middle to upper-class women who could afford to pay tuition. On one hand, this reality is true. Tuition during the scope of our research (1925-1950) coincided with two major world events - the Great Depression and World War II. Therefore, it is not unreasonable to find that wealthy people were able to afford tuition and attend school during this time. However, our exploration found that a significant portion of the attendees struggled to find the financial means to attend Hope. The focus on tuition is potentially misleading because other extraneous costs like travel, room, board, books, laboratory fees, and various sundries are glossed over. While Hope’s tuition may have been more affordable in comparison to other schools, the full cost of attending college added up quickly. Therefore, in this analysis, I am comparing the full price for college in one academic year including tuition, room, board, and sundries that is listed in the course catalogs. Hopefully, this is more accurate in portraying the cost of attending college during this time.
Making Ends Meet
As a result of hidden, higher costs, many students relied on beneficiary aid, scholarships, loans, donations, and part time employment to afford higher education. One woman, Alida J. Kloosterman graduated from Hope in 1948 after majoring in mathematics. Kloosterman detailed her financial struggles in her biography for the Reformed Church of America’s Board of Foreign Missions. Kloosterman took a gap year after her mother’s death and worked to pay off debts and mortgages on the house. She saved enough for one year in college when room, board, tuition, and sundries were $410-450 per year. While at Hope, she worked summers, vacations, evenings, and Saturdays, to finance her remaining years. Kloosterman worked in the dorm collecting and dispensing linen, in laundry as a cleaning girl, in the library, and filing [3].
Kloosterman was far from being the only student struggling to make ends meet. Helen Zander, a 1928 graduate, was financed by her church in Schenectady [4]. She would have paid $340 per year from 1925-1927. In 1928, the total given cost increased and she would have paid $380. In a 1927 letter to Mrs. Durfee, the Dean of Women from 1909-1936, one female student begged for grace from the college. The student apologized for not having the ability to pay back what she owed and promised to get a job to pay back the money with two years of interest within the next year [5]. In 1927, the listed price for attending Hope was $340 for the whole year which is now equivalent to $5,260.13. These are just a few stories of many students who toiled in order to finance their education.Data Analysis
In general, the overall listed price of attending Hope College for one year rose from 1925-1950 though there was a dip in 1938 and 1939. To give summary statistics, the minimum for this data set is $340 which was the given total price from 1925-1927. The maximum was $750 in 1950. The mean or average is $436.92. The median is $397.50. The mode is $380. As previously mentioned, the scope of this research project includes two major international events - the Great Depression in the 1930s and World War II in the 1940s. Therefore, college pricing was influenced by the global context.
The Great Depression
During the Great Depression, pricing initially increased significantly and then decreased. In 1929, the total cost for one year at Hope College was $380. The 1928-1929 Bulletin, which is the equivalent to modern course catalogs, that listed this amount was published in 1928. During the 1929-1930 academic year, costs increased to $400. The 1930 Bulletin was published in February 1929, a few months before Black Tuesday in October. The 1931 school year was the first year where the Bulletin would be published during the Great Depression as it was published in February of 1930. Room, board, and tuition costs still increased during the Great Depression as total costs remained at $400 but deflation made the same amount of money have higher value. The highest cost was $410 in 1932. Pricing at Hope was not this high again until 1943.
After 1932, listed costs for the 1932-1933 school year decreased to $390. In 1934, it increased again to $400. Then, it decreased to $380 in 1935. In order to understand the cost of attending Hope, which may appear arbitrary at first glance, it is important to look at the economic health of the school. Overall enrollments began decreasing before the Great Depression, though this trend continued for the first few years of the 1930s. In 1929, months before the stock market crash, President Dimnent sold Hope’s stock portfolio. This helped to ease some of the economic distress that Hope was subjected to during the Great Depression. The money from the stocks was invested into the endowment. During the Depression, the school was able to pull money from the endowment in order to finance operating costs [6]. The health of the endowment contrasted with the struggle that the other sections of the school experienced. Enrollment rates decreased marginally in contrast to national trends where enrollment increased [7]. Professors and staff took a pay cut [8]. Dr. Nykerk, an important faculty member at the college, ended up losing his wealth and had to live in the female residence hall [9]. In 1930, to the distress of the Board of Trustees, President Dimnent stepped down from his role as President [10]. While relying on funds from donors and the RCA, Hope stayed afloat.
World War II
During the war, total enrollment decreased from 529 in 1943 to 300 in 1944. Enrollment increased by 12 to 312 in 1945. During these years, total pricing for one year at Hope was in the range of $410-$450. In 1943, the Army Specialized Training Program began at Hope with 76 enlisted men. Participants were able to train and take courses. Hope provided engineering courses for this program as the Army College had an emphasis on mathematics and science. The civilian college had an emphasis on liberal arts education [11]. This program was funded by the government and helped subsidize operating costs.
When the ASTP ended in April of 1944, there was a loss of revenue for the college as the government had reimbursed the college for its resources. The first semester from 1944-1945 was difficult until the war ended in 1945 and veterans began to return to campus [12]. Veterans were encouraged to attend Hope because it was approved by the Veterans Administration to qualify for benefits from the G.I. Bill. Also, Hope gave academic credit to veterans for service school training. Enrollment mushroomed from 312 to 700 in 1946 and 1300 in 1947. Post-war financial difficulties challenged the college, but another concern was the ability to provide resources to the influx of students.
Nationally, wartime inflation increased operating expenses and decreased resources in higher education. There were less students whose tuition money could cover costs. Therefore, many colleges were unequipped to handle the influx of students who enrolled during peacetime [13]. As a result, tuition and other expenses rose to match the rise in students. After World War II, the total cost of attending Hope College increased exponentially, as more students enrolled. For the 1944-1945 school year, a range for pricing was given at $410-450. That price was determined and published in 1944. In 1945-1946, pricing jumped to $500. Then, $600 in 1947 and $700 in 1948. In 1949, pricing increased but with a smaller margin as it cost $720 to attend Hope. In 1950, attending Hope was priced at $750. After World War II, “sundries” were not included in calculation of total costs. Therefore, the real cost of attending Hope was even higher.
References:
[1] 1865-1866. Catalog (Holland: Hope College, 1865), 35, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/2/.
[2] 1916. V54.01. May Bulletin. (Holland: Hope College, 1916), 184, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/catalogs/49.
[3] “Alida J. Kloosterman”, Board of Foreign Missions Reformed Church in America, January 1950. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[4] “Helen Zander: Educational Work in Japan,” Woman’s Board of Foreign Missions, July 1942. Western Biographical File, Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[5] "Letter to Winifred Durfee," January 26, 1927. Durfee, Winifred Hackley (1861-1950). Papers, 1796-1963. (H88-0045), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.
[6] "October 1930", Board of Trustees (H88-0246), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.; "14 June, 1932", Board of Trustees (H88-0246), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.; "10 June, 1933", Board of Trustees (H88-0246), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.; Wynand Wichers, A Century of Hope (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1968), 204-207.
[7] Claudia Goldin, Lawrence F. Katz, and Ilyana Kuziemko, “The Homecoming of American College Women: The Reversal of the College Gender Gap,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 4 (Fall 2006): 136, 10.1257/jep.20.4.133.
[8] Edward Dimnent, "Letter to Adelaide Dykhuizen," Adelaide Dykhuizen, Teaching Contracts, 1931-1068 (H88-0046), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[9] "Biographical, 1891-2014," Nykerk, John Bernard (1861-1936). Papers, 1885-1961, 2014 (H88-0111), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[10] "June 1930", Board of Trustees (H88-0246), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, Michigan.; "Edward Daniel Dimnent" by Paul Wackerbarth, 1964, Biographical, 1889-1965 Dimnent, Edward D. (1876-1959). Papers, 1892-1972. (H88-0040), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[11] "Correspondence between Hope College and Army", July 1943-September 1943, Military Training Programs, records, 1917-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Holland, MI.
[12] "Correspondence between Hope College and Army."
[13] Roger L. Geiger, The History of American Higher Education: Learning and Culture from the Founding to World War II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015), 427, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7ztpf4.1?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents. -
1
2021-07-08T14:31:04+00:00
Female Faculty Impacts
16
This pages outlines the areas where women faculty influenced academics, extra curriculars, or the lives of students.
plain
2021-07-21T17:14:15+00:00
Many of the female faculty members at Hope College in the 1930s and 1940s taught at Hope for several decades. Research into these women indicated they had an impact on academics, extracurriculars, and interactions with students throughout their time at Hope. Many new activities and courses originated during their time and primary sources indicated the impact that these women had upon their students.
Several of the women served as instructors or professors for decades and taught in multiple departments, thus these instructors developed curriculum and a vision for the department. Metta Ross’s archival file was full of notes on different countries and topics, such as Africa, Ancient Greece, Bolivia during WWII, and much more. Ross received a letter from a former student commending the history department for their diligence crafting the curriculum. The student wrote, “Most of the fellows in our dorm who are working for their M.A. have to take 35 to 40 hours to do it, whereas I can do it in 28. Why? Because Hope College and my undergraduate record.” [1].
World War II altered the structure of departments. During this conflict, Esther Snow and several other female faculty members upheld the music department and continued to develop the courses for the remaining students:
“I cannot leave the discussion of 1936 through 1946 without noting the decade, representing the last half of the Great Depression and all of U.S. participation in World War II, saw three ladies (Fenton, Karsten, and Snow) as the mainstays of the Hope College music department. They changed assignments as was needed to cover the bases, but the department not only survived those very difficult times, but enlarged the offerings of music to the college curriculum. They developed a strong foundation for the larger department that was to evolve in later years” [2].
In addition to academics, many women led extracurriculars. Laura Boyd created the German Club and worked with Metta Ross to establish the Palette and Masque club. These were designed to get students more involved with extracurricular activities, especially ones that correlated with courses at Hope. Ross also created the International Relations Club, which discussed foreign affairs. Subjects included speakers discussing Russia, the United States during World War II, etc [3].
Another contribution to the females on campus was the creation of Alcor by Elizabeth Lichty, which evolved into present day Mortarboard, an honor society that recognizes achievements in leadership, scholarship, and service. The female members of Alcor were active during World War II as they raised funds for the war. They also created the Kletz during the post war period, which has changed locations but still exists on campus today.
These women involved themselves in both the academics and extracurricular activities at Hope College, thus they often commented on the balance between these two facets of campus life. Many of the women felt that students focused too heavily on extracurricular activities.
In her notes for the next faculty meeting, Ross wrote, “In the interest of raising the academic achievement of our students, would it not be well to curtail somewhat the social activities on the campus? Since the program was enlarged to make up for “lack of dates,” the reductions would seem logical, with many times as many men as women on the campus” [4].
Emma Reeverts, the Dean of Women since 1947, began to consider this balance as well. She states, “We have been trying to emphasize the importance of good study habits. If girls are really trying, we do not want them to become discouraged if their grades are lower than they are in high school. College offers more competition. However, we do not want a girl to put undue emphasis on social life” [5]. Reevert’s duties as Dean of Women included meeting with the freshman women and those struggling in school, thus she would be aware of the circumstances and culture on campus surrounding this issue.
Lastly, the professors interacted with students throughout their everyday activities and had an impact on their students. Ross received a letter from a former student, Mary Lou Talman, stating, “I feel sure that I can say that you have been one of the most highly regarded-no, it’s even more than that- you have been the most highly regarded campus personality. I know that I speak truthfully and for the entire college when I say that I know of no other person on the campus who has been better liked, more respected, and admired” [5]. Mary Lou Talman graduated from Hope and continued into higher education to earn her PhD.
Laura Boyd impacted students and the world as a whole. Correspondence to Boyd declares, “What I want you to know Miss Boyd is that you, Dr. Nykerk and Dr. Hagan were my favorite teachers, and 20 years after Graduation, I still knew German well enough to be an interpreter in a Prisoner of War Camp. Some 500 prisoners got a better “break” because you taught me enough German to converse with them” [7].
These examples are a few of the countless ways by which female faculty impacted Hope College. Check out the female faculty bios for more areas where these women worked and created change. Many of the faculty members in this research spent years at Hope, thus they impacted their departments, students, and the campus community by working closely with their colleagues and students. Many of their names survive on campus today in the form of building names or scholarships.
References:
[1] "Correspondence," Ross, Metta J. (1890-1984). Papers, 1896-1984 (H88-0131), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[2] Robert Snow, “Musikalisch Frau Schnee: A Brief Biography of the Life of Esther MacFarlane Snow,” May 17, 2002, Snow, Esther M. (1895-1974). Papers, 1942-2002 (H88-0140), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[3] Milestone 1947 (Holland, MI: Hope College, 1947), 127, https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/milestone/31.
[4] Professional Concerns, September 18-20, 1946, Ross, Metta J. (1890-1984). Papers, 1896-1984 (H88-0131), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[5] Emma Reeverts, November 9, 1948, Reeverts, Emma Marie (1896-1973). Papers, 1946-1973 (H88-0129), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[6] Mary Lou Talman, June 17, 1942, Ross, Metta J. (1890-1984). Papers, 1896-1984 (H88-0131), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[7] Carl C. Postma, May 18, 1955, Boyd, Laura Alice (1884-1962). Papers, 1922-1963 (H88-0016), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI. -
1
2021-06-29T15:22:20+00:00
Post World War II Boom
16
Hope's enrollment and facilities expand after World War II as veterans return to campus
plain
2021-07-19T13:45:20+00:00
The men began to return from the war in May of 1945 and more returned in August 1945 after victory in Japan [1]. The G.I. Bill permitted veterans to return to college with stipends covering tuition and living expenses, thus Hope College entered the post World-War Boom in enrollment. Irwin Lubbers became president in fall 1945 and Hope College enrollment increased. In the Spring of 1946, administrators asked faculty to add another course to their workload. The 1945-1946 school year witnessed a 75% increase in enrollment. Yet enrollment continued to increase during the 1946-1947 school year indicating just how much Hope College needed to expand to accommodate for the increase in enrollment [2].
John Hollenbach, a former dean of students, wrote about the 1946 Registration Debacle in a piece on the post war boom at Hope. He described veteran’s frustration when they returned from the military and were placed on waitlists for their necessary classes. Similarly, freshmen were placed in courses irrelevant to their prospective field of study and forced to take courses out of order. A shortage of housing and faculty became apparent during registration [3]. Changes included adding staff members to teach additional courses. One man went in for a meeting with an administrator and came out with a job offer from Lubbers to teach. The majority of the incoming faculty were Hope graduates. Instructors or professors were in high demand, thus Hope converted its own graduates to instructors of coursework. Housing and academic buildings were also an issue. This school year required renovations to Van Raalte and other education facilities, saw the creation of the Kletz by the members of Alcor, and Hope College began buying property around the college to house students. Hope College continued to expand and bounce back after World War II [4].
References:
[1] Eileen Nordstrom and George Zuidema, Hope at the Crossroads: The War Years (Holland, Michigan: Hope College, 2008), 118.
[2] Nordstrom and Zuidema, Hope at the Crossroads, 132.
[3] Nordstrom and Zuidema, Hope at the Crossroads, 133.
[4] Nordstrom and Zuidema, Hope at the Crossroads, 150-152. -
1
media/Milestone 1943, 100.png
2021-06-29T15:23:35+00:00
Hope and the ROTC
16
Hope College applies for an ROTC Unit
image_header
2021-07-21T16:58:54+00:00
In 1949, Hope College discussed adding a ROTC program to the campus. Hope College housed an Air Force training program and the ASTP, thus the military involvement associated with the ROTC program was not a new concept to the campus. Ballots from the faculty indicate that most faculty members supported the implementation of an ROTC program [1]. Only John Hollenback and Emma Reeverts opposed the ROTC unit.
Hollenback felt Hope was not ready for the ROTC unit without a comprehensive overview of the curriculum. He asserted that Hope College should only serve its country in this way when there is a state of emergency like in World War II [2].
Reeverts wrote to Lubbers on March 24, 1949 expressing her concerns:
“I look at the college campus as a place where young people come to seek truth; where we can study world needs and best ways to meet those needs; where they can learn more about democracy and receive training in democratic procedures. I feel that military units on the college campus and the inclusion of military education in the college curriculum are not in harmony with sound education in a democracy” [3].
Despite concerns from these individuals, the college decided to move forward with their application for an ROTC unit. Lubbers wrote various letters to legislators, such as Gerald Ford in the House of Representatives and Governor Williams asking them to advocate for Hope College [4].
On April 20, 1951, Lubbers received a letter from the Air Force ROTC explaining that Hope College had not been selected to house a unit on campus (5). Further correspondence from Lubbers indicated that most of the institutions selected were not private, Christian colleges with the exception of one Catholic College. Furthermore, ROTC institutions in Michigan were already numerous and may have impacted the decision to award Hope an ROTC unit. Regardless, Hope College did not become affiliated with the Air Force and continued to expand and prepare for the next generations of scholars.
References:
[1] Post WWII Proposal for an Air Force ROTC Program at Hope College, Military Training Programs, records, 1949-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[2] John Hollenbach, February 18, 1949, Military Training Programs, records, 1949-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[3] Emma Reeverts, March 24, 1949, Military Training Programs, records, 1949-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[4] Post WWII Proposal for an Air Force ROTC Program at Hope College, Military Training Programs, records, 1949-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[5] Air Force ROTC, April 20, 1951, Military Training Programs, records, 1949-1951, (H88-0266), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI. -
1
2021-06-30T14:32:46+00:00
Struggles of Female Faculty
8
This page describes some of the hardships faced by female faculty members.
plain
2021-07-28T17:24:51+00:00
Female faculty members noted some of the struggles and challenges resulting from being a female on the Hope College faculty. Dick and Phyllis Huff, two former Hope students and family friends of Metta Ross were interviewed about Ross in 2002. When asked about Ross’s perception of gender on campus the couple stated, “she was keenly aware that women were not regarded the same as men. And she was positive in her attitude and yet she was aware that some of the male professors did have certain advantages that women did not get, even the office that the women professors receive. They didn’t have draperies in their offices and they had less special offices” [1].
The statistics from the Milestone data indicate fewer female faculty members were made assistant or associate professors and fewer women had PhDs. A letter from Winifred Durfee to President Lubbers comments on Durfee’s opinion of PhDs or women stating, “I believe that she [Miss Emma Reeverts] will be a far better dean than Miss Lichty, who was a great disappointment to me. I am glad that she has gone to Kalamazoo where her doctorate will be of great importance” [2]. This account surprised me because I viewed Lichty’s PhD as a positive attribute and direction for females at Hope College, yet the context of the letter suggests that Durfee was not impressed by Lichty's degree and was pleased she resigned to teach elsewhere.
Promotions became a struggle for Metta Ross as she became more vocal about her desires and future position at Hope College. In 1942, Ross became an associate professor in the English department because additional professors were needed in this department. It was not uncommon for instructors or professors to work in more than one department. However, Ross realized she enjoyed teaching history more than English in the spring of 1945 and petitioned Wichers to move her permanently to the history department. Ross wrote to the committee in charge of appointments requesting to be moved to the history department and made the head of the department since there was an opening for this position.
The committee explained that the next head of the history department would be a man with a doctorate degree. The text also stated, “It was the opinion of the Committee that the matter of an associate professor of history should not be determined until a new president has been elected and the head of the department of history chosen. Your request to become associate professor of history will be placed before these men.”
The Board of Trustees appointed the next president, Irwin Lubbers, a few months later, so Metta Ross wrote to Lubbers and repeated her request. A letter from Irwin Lubbers in August 1945 suggests that Ross’s request was not granted because she taught two courses of English the next semester.
Even though Ross’s request to become a full time history professor and the head of the department was not granted, Ella Hakinson became the head of the history department three years later in 1948. Ross wrote to President Lubbers again in February 1954 requesting the department head position. Her letter outlined her time at Hope College and even though she didn't have a doctorate she had been performing the duties of the department head without the title. Hawkinson received a leave of absence in 1953 to teach in Norway, then became sick and died in 1954. Therefore, it can be surmised that Ross filled in for Hawkinson during her leave of absence and performed the necessary duties. In March 1954, Lubbers replied that her request would be seriously considered [3].
Metta Ross never served as the chair of the history department or any other department, but she did continue teaching for 6 year after this before retiring in 1960.
Ross asserts that these issues were not restricted to the history department:“We had in our science department at that time, a young woman, very brilliant and had a doctor’s degree. We were very good friends, too: our minds sort of clicked, and we used to spend quite a bit of time together because we could go out to meals and that sort of thing. She left us, I couldn't tell you why, and took a position in Missouri. She was supposed to have been head of the department at Hope, but a man came in and took her place, and I think that’s why she did it” [4].
Female faculty members were in the minority at Hope College and experienced various struggles during their time at Hope College, yet they made a vast impact on their students through their courses, interactions with students, and time as advisors in various extracurricular activities.
References:
[1] Dick and Phyllis Huff, “Metta Ross Oral Interview,” March 15, 2002, Ross, Metta J. (1890-1984). Papers, 1896-1984 (H88-0131), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[2] Winifred Durfee, July 10, 1947, Durfee, Winifred Hackley (1861-1950). Papers, 1796-1963 (H88-0034), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[3] Professional Concerns, Ross, Metta J. (1890-1984). Papers, 1896-1984 (H88-0131), Joint Archives of Holland, Hope College, Holland, MI.
[4] Nancy Swiyard, “Ross, Metta J Oral History Interview: Retired Faculty and Administrators of Hope College I and II,” 1977, Hope College Living Heritage Oral History Project. Records, (1977), June 1, 1977(H88-0234), Hope College Digital Commons, Hope College, Holland MI.
This page references:
- 1 2021-07-09T12:39:28+00:00 Diversity Statement 15 Diversity Statement plain 2021-08-15T17:39:11+00:00